24/10/19

Who’s belling the cat?



If the BJP hasn’t started to worry about Haryana and Maharashtra election results yet, they have to, henceforth at least. Ascribing from the state, from where the political social coalition strategy originated, which the BJP trying to mimic laboriously on their present electoral struggle across various states, I am intrigued by the ingraining social phenomenon and felt necessary to point out that it’s now or never for the BJP to witness the tip of the iceberg of the downfall are they inching towards. The normative discourse on the social coalition is one of the long-held academic dialogue on the study of polity and Political Sociology and its impacts are also widely assessed. As I stated before, Tamil Nadu (TN) is the classic case for the BJP’s current electoral playbook. But it missed the quintessential perspective, about the former’s functional narrative, due to its lack of vision between means and ends.





                                       





TN, a state which is excelling in all health and wealth indicators and achieved significant progress in economic growth and resource distribution, gathered its political milieu through tumultuous years of demonstrations and hard negotiations of communities with establishments. Seen through its social prism, it is the state peopled mostly by backward communities but the power centers were structured around and positioned by socially, and (though it’s inundated) economically forwarded communities in the initial years of the republic. This power disparity is one of the significant exacerbating factors which fueled the rise of subaltern politics in the state which is not given due regard often, if not acknowledged. Social wealth distribution and economic expansion through a cultural construct (a Tamil identity proposition) viz-a-viz inclusivity with secular credentials, is where the BJP lost its trope.




Inclusivity and prosperity have a normative semblance, which is highly regarded in the ‘common sense’ (Gramscian) of subaltern communities. An aversion to it in the Northern part of India stems from its historical accounts. The accumulation of mistrust between communities has been constantly propelled, as the political establishments shied away from reconciliation, thanks to the partition crisis. The BJP and its political predecessors always held a strong belief in cashing out on this emotive exchequer. But after making victorious strides entrenching themselves militantly in the ’90s, only they realized their contingency in political consistency. 

Now they’ve lucked out by Modi for the past five years, after a decade of humiliating defeats, through his expediency in stitching social coalitions and placing the helm with the socially burden-less actor. It worked out quite well, until recently, across various states attributing coherence in negotiations through various political actors, but after the emergence of distraught among social coalitions about the lopsided consensus- despite the means- in the ends. Glaring attributions can be proposed towards the increasing agitation of social elites against the coalition of subalterns, in and out of the establishment. And Tamil Nadu provides a walk away from this binary constraints. Though the state's electoral politics and coalitions structured around placing the helm at influential but also socially less burdened leader/actor, the progressive ends, not just the means, serves the vitality and supremacy to the argument, in this case, social coalition. After long due although TN has awakened from the slumber, after realizing it’s restrainedness of the recent political reality, the coalition entrenchments hasn't weakened. 



The BJP’s lack of progressive ends, let alone the posture and optics, draining out its electoral strategy if not obliterating its drawn lines of negotiations. TN’s Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha are from both corners of the social spectrum, the former is from the most oppressed community and the latter belongs to socially elite section, held power not only by relying on coalitions but through their progressive political measures and means of distribution with the persuasion on inclusive ideals. If BJP didn’t smell the fact that their othering out strategy might be numbered, it won’t be long before ‘Gramscian’ consciousness starts ticking in subalterns. So the sailing on the enmity centered coalition needs an immediate corrective and back to the drawing board measures to strike an effective consensus among coalition, forsaking the ruling party’s polemical dreams and myths.

14/7/19

No more Blinking - a short note on India & China equation in terms of BRI


Credit: MR edition


China's OBOR (One belt and One Road) initiative has puzzled India from the beginning. Not just the scale of China's ambition but also the consequences of it. In a way, it shows the unpreparedness of India despite being a contentious ally for a long time. The lack of vision of the South Asian giant persuaded its political class to blink at the Silk road initiative at the beginning (till the commencement of the first Belt and Road Forum). But very soon, in a rush India came up with a game-plan, a reactionary move and no match in the intent, to counter China hastily which turned out to expose the resourceless-ness of the former. As of now one way or another, it is catching up the global attention after the tragic "debt-trap" episode of Hambantota port, which had fallen into the arms of Chinese firms.

Trade and infrastructure funding, a masquerader for strategic investments, is not a new "specter" haunting South Asian geopolitical space, both the USA and Japan played an important role from the beginning of the cold war.  But the trust deficit enjoyed by China makes way for the perplexity among Indian policymakers. Since the 'opening-up' in 1979 China progressed gradually to today's stature with a humongous Forex vault and adequate funding infrastructures, showing an exit for the former dominant forces. The current nationalistic fervor arousing in India, due to its ruling elite and right-wing consolidation, has a logical resonance with the Xi Jinping's "Asia for Asians" rhetoric. But then why India has to align with Western democracies in opposing China?

1962 war defeat, world's largest border dispute, lack of respect for Indian territorial sovereignty and integrity by claiming parts of North eastern India and supporting extremist groups on the border areas are some of the major fault-lines.

To ask this question is nothing short of showing disregard for history, as a foreign policy cannot be weaved from the vacuum. The 1962 war defeat, the world's largest border dispute, lack of respect for Indian territorial sovereignty and integrity by claiming parts of Northeastern India and supporting extremist groups in the border areas are some of the major fault-lines India shares with the world's second-largest economy. 

India's reluctance stems from this history and inconsistencies in confidence-building measures from China. As of date, India faces the largest trade deficit with china among its trading partners. With its growing economy and a big chunk of demographic dividend, India aspires to be a regional power. But the strong footprints of Chinese, in terms of investment and naval presence, in the Indian Ocean region and South Asian neighborhood feeds the suspicion and growing antagonism in India, adding to the baggage of the complex relationship. The urge of replacing US dominance in the Asian power paradigm is evident from the intense diplomatic efforts put forth by Beijing in the roll-out of BRI (Belt and Road initiative). The continuous persuasion to convince New Delhi in terms of strategic implications of the connectivity funding ended in failure and the reason for it proves to be detrimental. One of the major components of the scheme, CPEC (China Pakistan Economic Corridor) faces huge backlash from India as it directly infringes her land sovereignty i.e. POK (Pakistan Occupied Kashmir, ceded some space to China). So, until the border dispute is resolved, there is no way forward for the acknowledgment or appreciation of the whole initiative from the Indian side. 

In a path to become Superpower, China's indifference towards India's concerns serves to be the raison d'etre for the latter's alignment with Western liberal forces, and -unlike Beijing- to work out for the alternatives with more flexibility and transparency. This presents a glimpse of complexity in the Indian foreign policy-making, standing distinctly aside from the narratives of mainstream dichotomous echo-chambers. For the longer term and larger good, Beijing has to see the reality and get resolved to remove the constraints with New Delhi and relax the thorny relationship with some definitive measures.